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    28 August 2006

    Augustine’s strongest suit

    CATEGORY: SESSIUNCULUM, NAPLAM — Fr. John Zuhlsdorf @ 3:28 pm

    Today I have been thinking about the impact of Augustine. (Actually, I think about that nearly every day.) This morning in a chat with a friend who is a true scholar of Augustine, I gleened something. If you want to put a quick and simple frame around Augustine try this. Augustine teaches better than any other saint, except perhaps for St. Paul, that there is no charity without a deep concern for truth.

    This has monumental importance for the life of the Church.

    The paring of the words veritas and caritas are found very often in Augustine’s works. One of the truly moving pairs is found in s. 358 preached in Carthage on Friday 19 May 411, during the Pentecostal Ember days. It concerns the schism of the Donatists (sort of ancient Lefebvrites… sort of). There is about to be a meeting of bishops in Carthage and the Lefebvrites … er… um… Donatists are on the agenda.

    Augustine addresses his listeners in the congregation often as "your Charity" or in this case…

    1. May your holinesses’ prayers come to the aid of us bishops in the responsibility we carry for you, and for our enemies and yours, for the salvation of all, for public order, for the common peace, for the unity which the Lord has commanded, which the Lord loves. Help us at one and the same time to speak about his to you, and to rejoice over it together with you. Of course, if we love peace and charity, we ought to talk about them always. Much more so therefore at this time, when peace is being loved in such a way that those people are real danger of loving it and holding onto it themselves, those to whom we do not render evil for evil, and with whom, as it is written, "though they hate peace, we are at peace" (Ps 120:7), and because we speak peace to them, they wish to overwhelm us. So those people, being of that nature, are caught in a deadly trap between love of peace and the shame of humiliation, and since they refuse to acknowledge defeat, they are taking no steps to be undefeated. Those, you see, who refuse to be defeated by truth, are defeated by error.

    Oh, if only charity rather than animosity could overcome them! We for our part love, cling to and defend the Catholic Church, not on the strength of human arguments, but of divine testimonies; and we are inviting its enemies to be reconciled with it and enter its peace. What am I to do with someone who pleads for a part and brings an action against the whole? Isn’t it good for him to lose the case, because if he loses he will hold onto the whole, while if he wins, he will be left with the part – or rather if he appears to win, because it’s only truth that ever wins. The victory of truth is charity. (Immo si vincere sibi videbitur, nam non vincit nisi veritas: victoria veritatis est caritas.)

    Above, I compared the Lefebvrites with the Donatists. In certain respects that sticks. They are indeed guilty of setting up their altars against the altars of the Catholic Church, as a Church of the "pure".

    At the same time, is not what Augustine says above also applicable to the progressivists and even the somewhat acquiescent majority in the Church who have at times and in various places treated the Church’s Tradition and also "traditionalists" themselves with neglect or contempt?  If once in ancient N. Africa the Donatists were actually in the majority and Catholic the minority, and Catholics were afraid of being overwhelmed and forced into the void, today the situation is reversed; the traditionalists are in the minority and fear going into the void. 

    How great is the need for truth and charity on both sides?

    There is no victory without truth. This can be applied to every aspect of our life.

    • • • • • •

    Augustine’s Bones - where are they now?

    CATEGORY: SESSIUNCULUM, NAPLAM — Fr. John Zuhlsdorf @ 1:54 pm

    Augustine died on 28 August 430. His friend and biographer Possidius describes his last days during the siege of Hippo by the Vandals. Sometime before the early 8th century, Augustine’s remains were translated from N. Africa to Sardinia for fear of desecration. It is possible that St. Fulgentius of Ruspe took Augustine’s body to Sardinia. Fulgentius had run afoul of the Arian Vandal overlords in N. Africa and was driven out.

    During the 8th century Augustine’s remains were in danger again, but this time by another gang of vandals called Arabs, who were swarming all over the Mediterranean as pirates and brigands. Sometime between 710 and 730 King Liutprand of the Lombards translated Augustine a second time and, on some 11 October, had him interred in Pavia in the church of San Pietro in Ciel d’Oro. It is thought that Liutprand had to pay a huge ransom the bones from some muslim thug. (Hard to believe, I know.) Eventually, with the passage of time people simply forgot where the saints bones actually physically were in the church. Eventually the church itself came to be controlled by two different Augustinian groups, the Canons Regular and the Hermits. Let’s just say their relations were strained and leave it at that. Then something happened that set off the war between them.

    In 1695 a group of workman were excavating under the altar in the crypt of the church. The found a marble box containing human bones. The box apparently had some charcoal markings spelling the part of the word "Augustine", though those markings disappeared. Great chaos ensued.

    Benedict XIIIThe memory of just where the relics of Augustine were placed in the church had been lost through the passing of the years. Finding them again set off a rather unedifying battle for their control between the Augustinian Hermits and the Canons Regular. Eventually Rome had to step in to resolve things. Pope Benedict XIII, a Dominican who changed his numbering from XVI to XIII so as to avoid counting an anti-pope, got involved personally. He was very interested in saints and canonized the huge number of 18! This was also at the time when the future Pope Benedict XIV, Propsero Lambertini, published his fourth and final volume On the beatification of the servants of God and of the canonization of the blessed. Pope Lambertini would give us the legislation for the canonical processes of canonizations that has lasted with some few changes to today.

    In any event, Benedict XIII sent a letter to the Bishop of Pavia telling him to get their act together and figure out the questions of authenticity and control. Additional studies were made under someone appointed by Benedict and by 19 September of 1729 things were wrapped up. Processions were held, solemn proclamations made about the authenticity of the relics, a great Te Deum was sung and there was a fireworks display, and anyone who decided to disagree and start the bickering again would be excommunicated. Ah! Those were the days, no? The next year under Pope Clement XII the Cardinal Secretary of State (and a patron of the Canons Regular) commissioned the carving of the large main altar with its reliefs, completed in 1738, and which you can now see today in the church where Augustine’s tomb is even now.

     

    • • • • • •

    Augustine is ordained

    CATEGORY: SESSIUNCULUM, NAPLAM — Fr. John Zuhlsdorf @ 11:31 am

    Many bloggers and certainly patristibloggers will be posting today about St. Augustine. Rather than relate the same old stuff you already know, you might be interested in other less known episodes from the life of this titanic figure who so influenced the course of Western Civilization. Here with the help of the best biography of Augustine I have read, by Serge Lancel, is a description of how Augustine was made a priest of Hippo (pp. 151 ff). Remember that Augustine had been a Manichean, had gone to Milan for a position as imperial orator, had converted and was baptized by Ambrose, returned to N. Africa and started a monastic community in his home town of Thagaste. In recruiting for his community, Augustine would avoid towns which had no bishops, lest he be constrained to remain and be consecrated (emphasis mine).

    Passing through Hippo to meet a friend who wanted to talk to him about his monastic vocation, Augustine had had to prolong his stay, as we have seen, because of the man’s wavering. There he attended church and took part in the services without keeping on the alert, since the bishopric was duly provided with a bishop. But he, Valerius, was old; Greek by birth, he was a mediocre speaker in Latin and knew no Punic at all, though it was a good thing to know at least a few words to use with the rustic faithful, who spoke the remnants of Carthage’s ancient language, very much bastardized, as a kind of patois. In a text from this era, Augustine records a detail about his bishop which is very significant in this respect: in a conversation between peasants Valerius had heard the word salus – or at least something near it – and had asked one of them who also knew Latin what the word meant; he had answered ‘three’ (tria), and Valerius had gone into ecstacies over the remarkable meeting, between one language and the other, of "salvation" and the Trinity!

    Moreover, the Christian community headed by Valerius was not in a good position at this time. The Manichaeans prospered at Hippo, under the leadership of a "priest" named Fortunatus, whom Augustine had known previously at Carthage when they had been co-religionists in the sect, and whose clever proselytism had won followers among the town’s citizens as well as in the little foreign colony. At the same time, the community itself was divided: the Donatists there were in a strong position, and their bishop, Faustinus, was able to indulge in a gesture as serious and symbolic as forbidding bakers to cook bread for the Catholic minority. Valerius clearly lacked the stature to stand up to them, even less to put the situation right. Was Augustine unaware of this state of affairs? The faithful of Hippo, for their part, were only too conscious of it, and when the old bishop declared in his sermon that he needed a priest who was capable of helping him, there was a unanimous shout from the congregation. Immediately recognized, surrounded, dragged into the apse to the bishop in his chair, Augustine was ordained priest forthwith.

    He had not been able physically to oppose this enforced ordination. He burst into tears and, Possidius recorded later, some of the congregation mistook the meaning of his tears, seeing them as chagrin for entering the clergy through the back door, instead of acceding directly to the episcopacy! Assuredly, those tears had quite a different significance; as Possidius also says, setting down what Augustine later confided to his friends, looking ahead to his almost inevitable elevation to the position of bishop, "he had the premonition of the multiplicity and immensity of the perils that the guidance and government of a church would bring to bear on his life." Here again, even though Hippo was not Milan, the image that came to his mind, symbolic of such a heavy burden, was that of Ambrose, whom he had seen to terribly busy, faced with such important responsibilities. But there was still something else at the root of the knot of anguish which had formed in his heart; such a rude change of destiny implied a farewell to what had been his considered aspiration, since Milan and Cassiciacum in 386, of which the deificari in otio, of course, in his letter to Nebridius told of his strong spiritual need, a life of the spirit and of prayer in a monastic setting, which did not rule out serving others but did not put it in institutional terms. In the evening of his life, making an appraisal of it in a sermon to those people to whom he had devoted his life, the bishop says: "I had said farewell to all worldly hopes, and what I might have been I no longer wished to be; but by no means did I seek to be what I am." On that day early in 391, with a few fine books already behind him, but with an immense work in gestation in his head, he knew that henceforward days would no longer suffice, and that night vigils would have to be added to daily work: in die laborans et in nocte lucubrans, as Possidius would write.

    Augustine already had a pretty sound theological training, and ran no risk of finding himself actually in the situation Ambrose had experienced, of having to learn while teaching, but he was aware that Valerius had appealed to him particularly for the ministry of preaching. And for that first time in his life, someone who know how to speak before the high and mighty of this world, address a cultivated public, correspond with people who were more or less his peers, now had to envisage speaking before the lowly of Hippo, before fisherman (piscatores) who were also sinners (peccatores), for whom Christ had come more than for philosophers and the erudite, and whom he had to reach with their own words. He had already been reproached for the difficulty of understanding certain of his works; besides complementing his scriptural reading, he needed to learn to speak in simple terms – ad usum populi – of things as complicated as the soul, God or the Trinity. Only just ordained, he asked for leave, for both study and meditation.

    The letter he addressed to his bishop was preserved. Nothing, he says first, is more satisfying than the office of bishop,priest and even deacon, but nothing is more srethced than to perform it for the vainglory of the social status that accompanies it. And nothing is more difficult than to do it when fully conscious of the lofy misison entrusted to a bishop, priest or deacon. He continues:

    I was ordained when I was thinking of giving myself time to get to know the divine Scriptures, and I had made my arrangements so as to benefit from the otium necessary for his negotium. And, to tell the truth, I did not yet know what I lacked for this task, which now torments and crushes me … Perhaps your Holiness will object: "I would like to know what is missing in your education." My reply is that the things I don’t know are so many that I could more easily enumerate those that I know than those I would like to know. I would dare to say that I know and hold with firm faith what concerns my own salvation; but how could I make use of this knowledge for the salvation of others, "seeking not what is useful to me but what is useful too the greater number for their salvation" (cf. 1 Cor. 10.23)? and perhaps, or rather without any doubt, there are counsels written in the holy books which, by knowing and meditating upon them, the man of God may improve his service in ecclesiastical matters and even, in the hands of sinners, either live without failing his conscience, or die, but without losing the only life that is worth Christian hearts sighing for, in humility and meekness. But how could that be obtained except as the Lord himself says: "by asking, seeking, knocking at the door" (cf. Matt.7.7; Luke 11.9)? That is to say, by means of prayers, reading and tears. It is with this aim that I wanted to ask my brothers to obtain from your very earnest and venerable Charity a little time, just until Easter, which I now desire and hereby request.

    Augustine obtained a few weeks’ liberty from Valerius. Perhaps not quite until Easter, which fell that year on 6 April, for there is at least one sermon delivered by the new priest included in the series of "quadragesimal" catechesis sermons, to bear witness that his priest ministry began at Hippo as early as March 391. Where did he go for his brief additional spell of training? Probably Thagaste, at his home, or rather in the "monastery" he would leave to Alypius. For he would have had to settle his affairs, before organizing his life and that of his future companions at Hippo in the real monastery for which Valerius had offered him the material wherewithal. The bishop had in fact given him a house with a garden near the cathedral church. At the cost of accepting the priesthood, and having to give up a great deal, Augustine had attained the goal to which he had aspired for a good few years. We shall have occasion to return to both the concrete realities and the developments and regulatory arrangements of the monastic life he would live at Hippo for nearly forty years.

    • • • • • •

    Mass with Monica and Augustine

    CATEGORY: SESSIUNCULUM — Fr. John Zuhlsdorf @ 10:24 am

    This morning at the Sabine Farm Holy Mass was celebrated with the 1962 Missale Romanum in the presence of both St. Augustine and his mother St. Monica. Before Mass began, the great saint was honored with a parade in front of the chapel:

    A bit hard to see, perhaps, but this is a procession of wild turkeys.

    Here are a couple snaps of the relics of St. Augustine and St. Monica on the altar.





    • • • • • •

    28 August: other saints today (Junipero Serra and E. Arrowsmith)

    CATEGORY: SESSIUNCULUM — Fr. John Zuhlsdorf @ 9:51 am

    Other saints today:

    Today is, incidently, the feast of St. Edmund Arrowsmith, one of the English martyrs. In his entry in the Martyrologium Romanum (below) you will find an item, which refers to entry no. 11 for William Dean and seven companions.

    12. Lancastriae item in Anglia, sancti Edmundi Arrowsmith, presbyteri e Societate Iesu et martyris, ex eodem ducatu oriundi, qui post plures annos in patria curae pastorali addictus, cum sacerdos esset et ad catholicam fidem multos induxisset, ipsis protestantibus loci invitis, sub Carolo rege Primo fune suspensus occubuit. ...

     

    There is a frequent reader of this humble blog who will desire, I think, to contribute his own outstanding transation!

    Going across the pond, we find this for Bl. Junipero Serra!

    13*. Monte Regali in California, beati Iuniperi (Michaelis) Serra, presbyteri ex Ordine Fratrum Minorum, qui in tribubus illius regionis adhuc paganis, multis incommodis aermnisque gravtus, Evangelium Christi idomate populorum loci praedicavit atque parperum et humilium iura strenue defendit. ... At Monterey in California, [the feast] of Juniper (Michael) Serra, priest of the Order of Friars Minor, who burdened by many troubles and difficulties preached the Gospel of Christ among the tribes of the region who were still pagans, and strenuously defended the rights of the poor and humble.

     

    • • • • • •
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